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on German Papers |
| By: | Rürup, Bert; Wille, Eberhard |
| Date: | 2009–07–07 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:dar:vpaper:35703&r=ger |
| By: | Nitsch, Volker |
| Abstract: | In diesem kurzen Aufsatz werden die Kosten des Terrors für den internationalen Handel diskutiert. Unstrittig ist, dass Unsicherheit und Gewalt die wirtschaftliche Aktivität lähmen können. Ob auch terroristische Aktionen, die häufig isolierte Ereignisse darstellen, selten auf direkte Zerstörung zielen, und sich einer Vielzahl von unterschiedlichen Methoden bedienen, die Wirtschaftsaktivität spürbar beeinflussen, ist zuletzt zum Gegenstand zahlreicher Untersuchungen geworden. Bei der Identifikation (und insbesondere der Quantifizierung) der Auswirkungen von Terrorismus auf den Handel treten allerdings eine Reihe methodischer Probleme auf; die Bandbreite der Schwierigkeiten reicht von der Erfassung und Kodifizierung terroristischer Aktivitäten bis hin zu möglichen Endogenitätsproblemen. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser ökonometrischen Schätzprobleme scheint es bemerkenswert, dass eine Reihe von Studien mit unterschiedlichem Untersuchungsdesign einen signifikanten negativen Zusammenhang zwischen Terrorismus und Handel dokumentieren. |
| Date: | 2009–09 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:dar:ddpeco:39387&r=ger |
| By: | Hils, Sylvia; Streb, Sebastian |
| Abstract: | Im vorliegenden Arbeitspapier werden die öffentlichen Beschäftigungssysteme der Länder Deutschland, Frankreich, Großbritannien und Schweden im Vergleich dargestellt. Untersucht wird inwiefern - ausgehend von im Ländervergleich ähnlichen öffentlichen Beschäftigungssystemen - seit Anfang der 1980er Jahre qualitative Veränderungen hinsichtlich der Beschäftigungsregulierung und des Personalsystems stattgefunden haben. Dabei zeigen sich in Großbritannien und Schweden erhebliche Umgestaltungen, die als Entwicklung vom Staatsdiener zum Dienstleister interpretiert werden können. Im Gegensatz dazu zeichnen sich die öffentlichen Beschäftigungssysteme in Deutschland und Frankreich nach wie vor durch eine Orientierung am Typus des Staatsdieners aus. ; This paper compares the systems of public employment in Germany, France, Great Britain and Sweden and analyses to which extent qualitative changes concerning the employment regulation and personnel systems in these countries occurred since the beginning of the 1980s. Starting from similar civil servant systems the countries headed in different directions. While a far reaching shift towards employment characteristics of the private sector has taken place in Great Britain and Sweden, the systems of public employment in Germany and France are still very distinct and exhibit most features of the traditional civil service system. -- |
| Date: | 2010 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:sfb597:111&r=ger |
| By: | Denis Huschka; Gert G. Wagner |
| Date: | 2010 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:diw:diwsop:diw_sp275&r=ger |
| By: | Laube, Lena |
| Abstract: | Der Artikel befasst sich mit dem Phänomen räumlich flexibilisierter Grenzkontrollinstrumente. Diese verlagern die Kontrolle von Personenmobilität an vielfältige Orte und lösen sie damit von der territorialen Grenzlinie. Ausgangspunkt der Analyse ist die Annahme, dass sich die liberalen Staaten der OECD in einem Kontrolldilemma befinden, welches aus dem Interesse an restriktiven Politiken gegenüber unerwünschten Grenzüberschreitern einerseits und rechtlichen Verpflichtungen gegenüber genau diesen Personen andererseits resultiert. Wohin dabei Kontrollen verlagert werden, um diesem Dilemma zu entkommen, zeigt eine Übersicht, die systematisch allen Orten von Kontrollausübung Rechnung trägt (vor, an und hinter der Grenze). Ein Ländervergleich auf Basis von Experteninterviews in drei OECD-Ländern (USA, Finnland und Österreich) offenbart, dass zunächst unterschiedliche Strategien der Implementierung verfolgt wurden. Während die Vereinigten Staaten unilateral versuchen, vor Abreise einer Person im Herkunftsland oder bei Ankunft an der eigenen Grenze Kontrolle auszuüben, erproben Finnland und Österreich bereits früh solche Maßnahmen, die mittels internationaler Kooperation auf eine Intervention in den Transit eines potentiell unerwünschten Reisenden setzen. Doch trotz sehr unterschiedlicher Voraussetzungen in den drei Ländern - vor allem hinsichtlich der Dringlichkeit, neue Instrumente zu implementieren - sind vor allem die vergangenen zehn Jahre von einer überraschend deutlichen Konvergenz der Instrumente gekennzeichnet. ; This articles deals with the phenomenon of spatially relocated border control away from the territorial borderline. The theoretical starting point for this analysis is the control dilemma in which liberal states of the OECD world are situated. On the one hand, they strive for restrictive policies against unwanted border-crossers and, on the other hand, they are partly committed to protecting the human or refugee rights of these very same individuals. An overview of to where control is shifted in order to avoid this liberal dilemma is given and it systematically accounts for all the places where control instruments are relocated (before, at or behind the border). A case comparison based on expert interviews conducted in the US, Finland, and Austria is provided and illustrates that first distinguishable strategies of implementation have been embarked upon. The US has unilaterally tried to exert control before departure in the home countries or, alternatively, directly before crossing the national border. In contrast, the two European countries have early started to cooperate widely with other countries and private actors in order to intervene in the movement of an individual long before he or she actually approaches the border. Despite very different circumstances in these three countries regarding the urge to install new kinds of control measures, especially the last decade has been characterized by a striking convergence in how the countries employ relocated border control instruments. -- |
| Date: | 2010 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:sfb597:112&r=ger |
| By: | Tausch, Arno |
| Abstract: | This article attempts to develop a perspective for radical reform of the Austrian and European universities. The article takes up anew a simple idea, already presented in an article in the widely circulated European political magazine “Die Zukunft” (Vienna) in 1991, proposing full University democracy, implying free elections of the university governing bodies, combined with a net household income per capita income weighted fully-fledged and credit supported tuition system. Another "pillar" of a European university reform would imply stronger rewards for publications in peer-reviewed international journals. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the continental European university has become the last bastion of the inefficient command economy. Only a thorough Anglo-American reform perspective can nowadays save the continental European University from the abyss of the implosion of the system. A "Scandinavian" alternative, based on a government-taxation-funded reform would be possible only in principle, but under the present political economic conditions in continental Europe, too many special interests of small stakeholders in the political system block such an alternative. The harsh and bitter predictions of the 1991 article came true all too quickly - the empty “shelves” in the European command economy University system remind us of the all too well-known economics of shortage, Janos Kornai style. Our empirical multiple regressions, based on OECD and standard international higher education data show that the introduction of tuition fees would have a major impact on the performance criteria of the University system according to different operationalizations of the University of Shanghai global rankings. Our empirical calculations also show that tuition fees and a strong role of the private sector and its contributions to university life are the most efficient strategy to achieve a high number of world class universities and high number of University graduates per age cohort, controlling for the effects of development level. Additional partial correlations (again keeping constant the development level) also show that the level of annual tuition fees are also highly and significantly associated with other societal performance criteria, like the predictable recovery from the current crisis (based on IMF data), indicators of a liberal society, and indicators of avoiding passive globalization. It is also true that a high level of social protection (as measured by the OECD statistics on public social expenditures per GDP), does not impede a higher proportion of public educational expenditure on tertiary education. But it is also true that the political culture of social protection almost automatically tends to regard the university system as a preserve of the State, and culturally excludes new models of private funding, oriented at the best-practice Anglo-American model. Our data also analyse current global entrance examinations regimes to universities around the world, as well as the efficiency ratios of the amount of the estimated purchasing power of salaries of researchers and scientists to the status of a country as a headquarter of global universities (per capita number of "world class Universities"). While the author personally believes that numerus clausus regimes, knock-out tests in the studies orientation phase, and other access restrictions are the wrong way to guarantee a proper university landscape in a mature capitalistic society, the list of international tests and filtering by state authorities already in existence is really impressive, and – paradoxically enough for the proponents of a Scandinavian state oriented alternative higher education policy – includes many Scandinavian countries. So in effect, there is no alternative to the Anglo-Americanization of our continental European universities. Free access, functioning capitalist universities, paid at least partially by their consumers – the students - are essential to the "normal" functioning of a free, capitalist society. The continental European failure to reform its Universities deepens the societal inertia, parochialism, xenophobia and racism in our continent. The present command economic University system, in addition, excludes an atmosphere of social responsibility, and creates a mentality of the command economy and party cadres. The reorganization of the continental European and outdated “habilitation procedure”, creating an intellectual climate of serfdom of assistant professors to their masters – the professors - and its substitution by an innovation oriented impact analysis of the intellectual production of candidates in leading peer reviewed journals or international book publishing would be also a major step towards a solution of the continental European University crisis. |
| Keywords: | E24 - Employment; Unemployment; Wages; Intergenerational Income Distribution; Aggregate Human Capital; F15 - Economic Integration; H52 - Government Expenditures and Education; I21 - Analysis of Education; I22 - Educational Finance; I23 - Higher Education Research Institutions |
| JEL: | E24 I21 I23 H52 I22 |
| Date: | 2010–03–09 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:pra:mprapa:21234&r=ger |