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on Confederation of Independent States |
| By: | Haddad, Eduardo (Departamento de Economia, Universidade de São Paulo); Araujo, Inacio (Departamento de Economia, Universidade de São Paulo); Rocha, Ademir (Departamento de Economia, Universidade de São Paulo); Sass, Karina (Departamento de Economia, Universidade de São Paulo) |
| Abstract: | The Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, scaled up the ongoing conflict in Donbas beyond its regional borders, hindering and halting different aspects of economic life. Considering the internal geography of Ukraine’s economic structure, the damages to physical infrastructure and supply chain disruptions are likely to propagate to other parts of the country through an intricate plot of production and income linkages. From a disaggregated analysis of multiregional and multisectoral linkages, this paper offers a systematic, integrated account of the structural linkages that allows modeling spillovers from one Ukrainian region to another. This approach breaks new ground by highlighting the internal economic effects of the conflict in Ukraine. We develop an interregional input-output system for Ukraine, providing the numerical basis for developing analytical frameworks to support knowledge building in the recovery process of distressed territories during the post-war period. We offer this database to the international scientific community to support modeling projects focusing on structural features of the Ukrainian economy. As shown in our illustrative exercises, understanding the structure of intersectoral and interregional linkages is critical to understanding better the propagation of exogenous shocks in the economy. |
| Keywords: | Input-output model; Europe; National Security; War |
| JEL: | H56 O52 R15 |
| Date: | 2022–10–05 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ris:nereus:2022_005&r=cis |
| By: | Alexandra Lukyanova; Ayaz Zeynalov |
| Abstract: | The motivation for focusing on economic sanctions is the mixed evidence of their effectiveness. We assess the role of sanctions on Russian international trade flow after 2014. The main expectation was that the Russian economy would take a hit since it had lost its importers. We use a differences-in-differences model of trade flows data for imported and exported agricultural products from 2010 to 2020 in Russia. We assess the economic impact of the Russian food embargo on agricultural commodities, questioning whether it has achieved its objective and resulted in a window of opportunity for entrepreneurs as well as investors to take advantage of. We estimate the impact of sanctions by Russia imposed on European and American food exports that resulted in the food independence of Russia and facilitated the development of local businesses in the agriculture sector of Russia. |
| Date: | 2022–11 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:arx:papers:2211.09205&r=cis |
| By: | Beghin, John |
| Abstract: | This article updates the recent article on world fertilizer markets by Beghin and Nogueira (2021), which noted the perfect storm affecting global fertilizer markets through high demand, droughts affecting fertilizer supply, high fossil energy prices, covid-9-related supply-chain disruptions, and trade policies, all conspiring to elevate fertilizer nominal prices to levels not seen since 2008. In the last 10 months, the Ukraine-Russia war and associated trade sanctions have exacerbated the disruptions in fossil energy, grain, vegetable oil and fertilizer markets already present in 2021. On the more hopeful side, some US trade policy developments will help reduce US fertilizer prices. Trade restrictions put in place by some countries are concerning. |
| Keywords: | International Relations/Trade |
| Date: | 2022–09–28 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ags:nbaece:329491&r=cis |
| By: | Tamilina, Larysa |
| Abstract: | This study uses a comparative perspective to analyse social trust in Ukraine and Russia. Drawing upon the assumption that the two countries share many similarities, I focus on exploring the degree to which their trust formation processes resemble each other. I demonstrate that the modes of trusting behaviour differ significantly between both societies. I argue that these differences can be explained by the recent gap between Ukraine and Russia in their political and social systems. Special attention is paid to the impact of the war in the east of Ukraine on intensifying the divergence in how trust is built and preserved among individuals. The findings are used to question the pervasive effects of cultural similarities with Russia on the Ukrainian population's behavioural values and preferences. |
| Keywords: | Ukraine, culture, social trust, conflict, WVS. |
| JEL: | K00 |
| Date: | 2022–09–30 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:pra:mprapa:115405&r=cis |
| By: | Tamilina, Larysa |
| Abstract: | This study focuses on comparing the identity formation processes between Ukraine and Russia. Drawing upon recent findings on the diversity of ethnicities, this analysis distinguishes between national, civic, and social identity types. World Values data are used to demonstrate that each of these identities is significantly influenced by the political values and preferences of the respondents. To define the political dimension, I discuss the contrasts between the two countries in terms of their political systems and dominant narratives of nationalism. My results suggest that of the wide range of the selected predictors, the value of voting, past participation in national elections, intolerance to control, and greater trust in the press essentially increase the likelihood of opting for Ukraine for at least one of the chosen identities. For Russia, strong evidence supports the current discourse on the imperial vision. My analysis demonstrates that individuals are more likely to identify themselves with Russia if they display greater trust in the government and support more authoritarian methods of governance such as tolerating surveillance and restrictions on freedom. |
| Keywords: | Ethnic identity, civil identity, social, identity, Ukraine, the WVS, political factors of identification |
| JEL: | Z10 |
| Date: | 2022–10–30 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:pra:mprapa:115406&r=cis |
| By: | Tulun, Teoman Ertuğrul |
| Abstract: | The Soviet Union demanded the demilitarized status of the Dodecanese in the Paris Peace Treaty negotiations since the Dodecanese was situated in a region near the Black Sea, and the demilitarized status of these islands was also relevant to Russia's security. Five months after Dendias' visit to the Russian Federation and his statements at the press conference regarding the Dodecanese, the Russian Federation recently included Greece in the list of unfriendly countries. The Russian Ambassador to Greece made a statement to the press that Russian-Greek relations that had been accumulated over many decades were nullified and there is no cooperation or contact with the Greek establishment. He also said that Greece has brought matters to the present level through its actions, even though there has been no negative action by Russia against Greece. It is now time to wait and see how Russia will react to a flagrant violation by an "unfriendly country" of the provisions of Paris Peace Treaty to which it is a party. |
| Date: | 2022–07–31 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:osf:osfxxx:52am4&r=cis |
| By: | Konyaev, Maxim |
| Abstract: | Population aging is an importnat socio-demographic problem in Russia |
| Date: | 2022–07–14 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:osf:osfxxx:mhxe3&r=cis |
| By: | naryono, endang (STIE PASIM SUKABUMI) |
| Abstract: | The war between Russia and Ukraine has had a tremendous impact on the world order not for Ukraine and Russia but for other countries in the world, one of which is the economic impact on the world, especially for poor countries and developing countries that rely heavily on imports from these two countries. as a result of poor and developing countries experiencing a very sharp economic contraction and leading to an economic crisis, there are even countries in Southeast Asia that have been declared bankrupt due to the war. The rising inflation rate is triggered by the scarcity of basic commodities and rising world oil, but can survive by providing subsidies, the limited ability of countries will not always provide subsidies and even if they continue to provide subsidies will result in fiscal pressure on poor and developing countries there will be no development because all resources are spent by subsidies. The solution to this global problem is peace between the two countries. America and Nato are not the answer to all of this because America and Nato's involvement in the war will only prolong a war that will never end. No one wins in war, loses to dust, wins to charcoal. |
| Date: | 2022–09–01 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:osf:osfxxx:rjdmg&r=cis |
| By: | Grömling, Michael |
| Abstract: | Die Pandemie und der Krieg in der Ukraine gehen mit hohen wirtschaftlichen Einbußen einher. Würden diese beiden unheilvollen Ereignisse das Wirtschaftsleben nicht beeinträchtigen, dann wäre die Wertschöpfung in Deutschland in den Jahren 2020 bis 2022 um insgesamt 420 Milliarden Euro höher ausgefallen. |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:iwkkur:912022&r=cis |
| By: | Guglielmo Maria Caporale; Juan Infante; Luis A. Gil-Alana; Raquel Ayestaran |
| Abstract: | This note analyses the possible effects of the Covid-19 pandemic and of the Russia-Ukraine war on the degree of inflation persistence in both the euro zone and the European Union as a whole (EU27). For this purpose a fractional integration model is estimated, first using the full sample and then recursively. Although the recursive analysis provides clear evidence of a significant increase in inflation persistence (especially in the case of the EU27, for which in addition to jumps an upward trend is clearly identifiable), the full-sample results imply long-lasting but only temporary effects of the two shocks being examined. These findings suggest that the required policy response to both shocks should also have a temporary nature. |
| Keywords: | inflation persistence, fractional integration, recursive estimation, Covid-19 pandemic, Russia-Ukraine war |
| JEL: | C22 E31 |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ces:ceswps:_10071&r=cis |
| By: | Sonali Chowdhry; Julian Hinz; Katrin Kamin; Joschka Wanner |
| Abstract: | This paper examines the impact of coalitions on the economic costs of the 2012 Iran and 2014 Russia sanctions. By estimating and simulating a quantitative general equilibrium trade model under different coalition set-ups, we (i) dissect welfare losses for sanction-senders and target; (ii) compare prospective coalition partners and; (iii) provide bounds for the sanctions potential — the maximum welfare change attainable — when sanctions are scaled vertically, i.e. across sectors up to an embargo, or horizontally, i.e. across countries up to a global regime. To gauge the significance of simulation outcomes, we implement a Bayesian bootstrap procedure that generates confidence bands. We find that the implemented measures against Iran and Russia inflicted considerable economic harm, yielding 32 – 37% of the vertical sanctions potential. Our key finding is that coalitions lower the average welfare loss incurred from sanctions relative to unilateral implementation. They also increase the welfare loss imposed on Iran and Russia. Adding China to the coalition further amplifies the welfare loss by 79% for Iran and 22% for Russia. Finally, we quantify transfers that would equalize losses across coalition members. These hypothetical transfers can be seen as a sanctions-equivalent of NATO spending goals and provide a measure of the relative burden borne by coalition countries. |
| Keywords: | Sanctions, embargoes, alliances, sectoral linkages |
| JEL: | F13 F14 F17 F51 |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:diw:diwwpp:dp2021&r=cis |
| By: | Olena Fedyuk; Victoria Volodko |
| Date: | 2022–10–21 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:cel:report:48&r=cis |
| By: | Kurata, Katherine |
| Abstract: | Despite an ecosystem of falsehoods propagated by the People's Republic of China (PRC), Taiwanese citizens re-elected the pro-independence candidate Tsai Ing-wen as their president for a second term on January 11, 2020. Several months later, on November 15, Maia Sandu, a Harvard-educated economist who supports closer ties with the European Union, won Moldova's presidential election against a tapestry of false information favoring pro-Moscow incumbent President Igor Dodon. The proliferation of disinformation in Moldova and Taiwan should cripple to the electoral processes of these young democracies. The victories of President Tsai and President Sandu suggest that there are limits to which targeted foreign disinformation can disrupt, divide, confuse, or otherwise damage political cohesion or a target audience's understanding of reality; signifying that the pre-existing belief systems and social networks can play a pivotal role in constraining the natural flow of disinformation within a society. While the technological tools have evolved, the use of political disinformation-the purposeful use of misleading or manipulative information to subvert political discourse and confuse, divide, or negatively influence the public-is not a new phenomenon (Woolley & Joseff, 2020). Modern-day states, like China and Russia, have used disinformation campaigns to achieve their strategic objectives. Russian military intelligence materials state, "Psychological warfare has existed as long as man himself" (Kovalev, 2017). During the Cold War, Soviet policy integrated disinformation and malign influence operations, involving the Communist Party and state structure. In 1937, China established the United Front Work Department (UFWD), directing heterodox and hybrid means to conduct influence operations targeting foreign actors and states that oppose the policies and authority of its ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) (Bowe, 2018). At present, the UFWD's work enshrines former Chairman Mao Zedong's doctrine: "Anyone wanting to overthrow a political regime must create public opinion and do some preparatory ideological work" (Mao, 1974). (...) |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:itse22:265648&r=cis |
| By: | Tetyana Panchenko; Panu Poutvaara |
| Abstract: | We conducted two waves of quantitative online surveys and qualitative interviews of Ukrainian refugees in Germany. We asked whether they plan to stay in Germany and whether they are already employed or plan to search for employment, as well as the factors that determine these. We report the results of the second wave of surveys in this policy brief. The second wave of the survey clarified the socio-demographic characteristics of refugees from Ukraine, the circumstances of their arrival and adaptation in Germany, and demonstrates the dynamics of changes in their plans and intentions. |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ces:econpb:_46&r=cis |
| By: | Rowe, Francisco (University of Liverpool); Neville, Ruth; González-Leonardo, Miguel |
| Abstract: | The escalation of conflict in Ukraine has triggered the largest refugee crisis in Europe since WWII. As of 17 August 2022, over 6.6 million people have fled Ukraine. Large-scale efforts have been made to collect data and measure the scale of forced population displacements, and identify the major receiving countries of these population flows. Current evidence has thus focused on providing a country level representation of the unfolding refugee crisis. Less is known about the subnational patterns of population displacement within Ukraine, and potential subnational settlement areas of the continuous flow of Ukrainian refugees in major receiving countries. Highly granular geographical data in real time are critical to these ends to ensure the appropriate delivery of humanitarian assistance where it is most needed. Drawing on digital trace data from Meta-Facebook, this paper aims to identify and assess the potential settlement areas and impacts of population displacements on the demographic and economic structures of sub-national communities within and outside Ukraine. We reveal large population losses in eastern, southern and northern Ukraine, particularly Khersonska (59%), Kharkivska (55%) and Kyiv (45%), and gains in western areas, specially in Livivska (16%). We also find reductions in female and young populations across the country, and increases in male and older populations in central and western regions. We identify likely settlement areas in some countries (Poland, Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary, Italy, Germany and Spain), noting that Ukrainian refugees are less likely to remain in countries which have recorded large refugee influxes but lack of local social networks, such as Romania and Turkey. We also reveal the potential impact of refugees moving to areas with old population structures and low unemployment. Yet, these impacts appear to differ across countries. |
| Date: | 2022–08–30 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:osf:osfxxx:7n6wm&r=cis |
| By: | Nick Thijs; Iain Mackie; Martins Krievins |
| Abstract: | European Neighbourhood East countries have been actively engaged in improving service delivery for citizens and businesses for some time. Some have opted for flagship initiatives (often with large-scale, one-stop shop solutions), some for digitalisation of services, while some have taken an incremental approach towards the service delivery modernisation process. This comparative paper outlines the state of play in the design and delivery of public administrative services in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Public administrative services cover the vast array of interactions with (and within) government: making enquiries, applications, registrations and payments, and receiving information, documentation, decisions and funds. These contacts allow service users (citizens, businesses and non-governmental organisations) to exercise rights, access entitlements, execute obligations and achieve ambitions. As well as the description and analysis of the general service delivery framework(s), institutional set-up and practical implementation, this paper presents a comparative analysis of a set of life events and highlights inspiring practices from the different countries. |
| Keywords: | digitalisation, European Neighbourhood East, life events, service delivery, service design, user experience |
| Date: | 2022–12–02 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:oec:govaac:64-en&r=cis |
| By: | Simkin, Mikhail |
| Abstract: | Recently PNAS published an article refuting all statistical claims of fraud in 2020 US elections. However earlier the same journal published an article with statistical claims of fraud in 2011 Russian elections. I use the method proposed in the earlier PNAS article and find indications of fraud in 2020 US elections. This leaves two possibilities. Either there was fraud in 2020 US elections and the recent PNAS article is misleading. Or the method proposed in the earlier PNAS article is misleading and its claim of fraud in Russian elections is unsound. |
| Date: | 2022–07–03 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:osf:osfxxx:83fha&r=cis |
| By: | Kohnert, Dirk |
| Abstract: | Fighting terrorism is a complex task, not limited to military options. It also concerns State-building, nationalism and inclusive sustainable development. The roots of underlying conflicts were already laid during colonialism, the slave trade, plundering of resources and arbitrary border establishment. The battle cannot be won by occupation nor by internal efforts of the countries affected alone, particularly not when terrorists enjoy secret support from parts of the army and the country's political elite. There are outside sources fomenting violent conflict through close cooperation between transnational crime and terrorist networks. Money laundering and financing of terrorism in global financial systems are part and parcel of the problem. Also, many activists and combatants are not just driven by religious fanaticism and ideological zeal. Revenge, mere survival and local strives between conflicting groups often play a decisive role too. Ill- and ungoverned spaces favour warlordism, both of radical jihadist and non-religious terrorist movements, driven by localism and informal networks. The military response of some governments and security services degenerated into inadequate state counterterrorism with no regard for local populations. It resulted in challenges to the rule of law and human rights in these countries. Although trans-national military counterinsurgency among ECOWAS governments improved, it remained hampered by the divide between Anglophone and Francophone countries and the vested interest of former colonial rulers France and Great Britain. By now, terrorists also effectively use cyberspace and social media to create fear and spread their violent ideologies. The interactions between crime and terror in West Africa will continue in the foreseeable future. It may even increase, considering the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and famines caused by failing cereal imports as a result of the Russian war in Ukraine. The effects on the social structure are considerable, including the population's dwindling trust in the state administration and the villagers' willingness to side with the terrorists. The fight against terrorism demands viable long-term solutions that take into account the linkages between counterterrorism, the rule of law and human rights and socio-economic development. |
| Keywords: | Terrorisme; contre-insurrection; criminalité transnationale; Islamisme radical; État en déliquescence; dictature; gouvernance; autocratie; dévolution du pouvoir; seigneurs de guerre; développement durable; mouvements sociaux; médias sociaux; cyberterrorisme; Études postcoloniales; droits de l'homme; État islamique; Afrique de l'Ouest; Afrique subsaharienne; Mali; Niger; Burkina Faso; Ghana; Togo; Bénin; Nigeria; Études africaines; |
| JEL: | D31 D72 D74 E26 F22 F35 F51 F52 F54 H26 H56 K14 N47 N97 O17 Z12 Z13 |
| Date: | 2022–11–11 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:pra:mprapa:115339&r=cis |
| By: | Kohnert, Dirk |
| Abstract: | Fighting terrorism is a complex task, not limited to military options. It also concerns State-building, nationalism and inclusive sustainable development. The roots of underlying conflicts were already laid during colonialism, the slave trade, plundering of resources and arbitrary border establishment. The battle cannot be won by occupation nor by internal efforts of the countries affected alone, particularly not when terrorist enjoy secret support from parts of the army and the country's political elite. There are outside sources fomenting violent conflict by close cooperation between transnational crime and terrorist networks. Money laundering and financing of terrorism in global financial systems are part and parcel of the problem. Also many activists and combatants are not just driven by religious fanaticism and ideological zeal. Revenge, mere survival and local strives between conflicting groups often play a decisive role too. Ill- and ungoverned spaces favour warlordism, both of radical jihadist and non-religious terrorist movements, driven by localism and informal networks. The military response of some governments and security services degenerated into inadequate state counterterrorism with no regard for local populations. It resulted in challenges for the rule of law and human rights in these countries. Although trans-national military counterinsurgency among ECOWAS governments improved, it remained hampered by the divide between Anglophone and Francophone countries and the vested interest of former colonial rulers France and Great Britain. By now, terrorists also effectively use cyberspace and social media to create fear and spread their violent ideologies. The interactions between crime and terror in West Africa will continue in the foreseeable future. It may even increase, considering the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and famines caused by failing cereal imports as result of the Russian war in Ukraine. The effects on the social structure are considerable, including the population's dwindling trust in the state administration and the villagers' willingness to side with the terrorists. The fight of terrorism demands viable long-term solutions that take into account the linkages between counterterrorism, the rule of law and human rights and socio-economic development. |
| Keywords: | Terrorism; counterinsurgency;Islamism;transnational crime; failed or failing states; dictatorship; governance; autocracy; devolution of power; warlords; sustainable development; cyberterrorism; social movements; social media; post-colonialism; human rights,;Islamic state; West Africa; Sub-Saharan Africa,; Mali; Niger; Burkina Faso; Ghana; Togo; Benin; African Studies; |
| JEL: | D31 D72 D74 E26 F22 F35 F51 F52 F54 H26 H56 K14 N47 N97 O17 Z12 Z13 |
| Date: | 2022–11–11 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:pra:mprapa:115338&r=cis |
| By: | Arigoni, Filippo (Central Bank of Ireland); Kennedy, Gerard (Central Bank of Ireland); Killeen, Neill (Central Bank of Ireland) |
| Abstract: | Construction costs are a key factor to consider when analysing the residential real estate market in Ireland given their impact on housing supply. This Note examines longer-term trends in construction costs in Ireland and shows that these costs have increased steadily over the last twenty-five years and faster than general inflation over the same period. The increase in gross construction costs over this time was driven primarily by cost inflation in two periods, namely the early 2000s and the increases observed since March 2020. Some of these patterns have been accentuated by changes to the tax regime over the period 1998-2008. In the last two years, construction costs in Ireland have increased substantially owing to the impact of the COVID-19 shock and the war in Ukraine on the costs of building and construction materials. Although there are challenges with cross-country comparisons, drawing on a number of data sources and a recent bespoke questionnaire issued to stakeholders in the Irish construction industry, the Note shows that construction costs in Ireland are at the higher end of the price spectrum in Europe. The outlook for construction costs in Ireland remains challenging with expectations of further increases in costs owing to a number of factors including supply chain issues as well as increases in commodity prices. |
| Date: | 2022–10 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:cbi:fsnote:12/fs/22&r=cis |
| By: | Tulun, Teoman Ertuğrul |
| Abstract: | In his speech at the closing ceremony of the Conference on the Future of Europe in the EU's European Parliament, on the occasion of 9 May 2022 Europe Day, French President Emmanuel Macron made a proposal to redraw the political map of the European Continent. He talked about the creation of a new "European Political Community" (EPC) that would include both EU members and non-member states. At this point, it is necessary to wait for the following questions to be answered clearly in order to understand whether this proposal is a sheer deception or not: While there exist organizations in Europe such as the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the pan-continental Council of Europe which cover all these countries, why is it necessary to strive for a structure whose purpose is unclear? Apart from trying to bring Mr. Macron and France to the fore, what is the added value of the proposal to create such a structure for European security and stability? Emmanuel Macron in his last speech asserted that his proposal of EPC will create a "new space for political and security cooperation." As it will be remembered, Emmanuel Macron in November 2019 arrogantly claimed that NATO was brain dead, and Europe was on the edge of the precipice. This prediction of Macron did not come true. The developments revealed the exact opposite of his claim. EU member states Sweden and Finland, which have been sceptical of NATO for a long time, are now preparing for NATO membership, with Türkiye's conditional approval of their membership process. It is possible to say that Macron, by proposing a hypothetical "European Political Community" continued the habit of French governments to propose grandiose, seemingly abstract ideas for Europe at an improper time when the ongoing war in Ukraine has radically shaken security and stability in Europe. The time we are in is not the time to chase after imaginary projects, but to face the realities. One of those realities not only for Macron's France but all EU members is the need for the acknowledgement of Türkiye as a strategic component of Europe. |
| Date: | 2022–07–18 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:osf:osfxxx:8z7qs&r=cis |
| By: | Frederich Kirsten (College of Business and Economics, University of Johannesburg); Mduduzi Biyase (College of Business and Economics, University of Johannesburg); Talent Zwane (College of Business and Economics, University of Johannesburg) |
| Abstract: | This paper investigates the relationship between poverty and ecological footprint for BRICS nations. The data for BRICS is obtained from the World Bank's world development indicators, Global Footprint Network, Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) and PovcalNet for the period 1996 to 2017. Panel autoregressive distributed lag (PARDL) and their corresponding preliminary cross-sectional dependence and second generations specification tests were used for the analysis of the data. The estimates from the full sample support the literature, revealing a robust long-run relationship between poverty and ecological footprint. Specifically, results demonstrate that poverty gap help to reduce environmental degradation in terms of EFP in the full sample. However, the effect of poverty on ecological footprint becomes positive when we split the sample-exclude China from the full sample. Our results are robust to various measures of ecological footprint, poverty and to alternative empirical specifications. The implication of the current upward trend of environmental degradation for some BRICS countries and the high poverty in others suggest that policy makers have a long way to go and given growth trajectory of the BRICS nations, the future of the planet could very well be in the hands of these developing nations. |
| Keywords: | BRICS; poverty; ecological footprint; PARDL |
| JEL: | F18 Q56 |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ady:wpaper:edwrg-06-2022&r=cis |
| By: | Elena Nikolova; Jakub Polansky |
| Abstract: | Although a large body of literature has argued that motherhood has a profound and long-lasting negative effect on the employment and earnings of women, there is little evidence focusing on the post-communist region. This paper exploits the latest round of the EBRD-World Bank Life in Transition Survey (LiTS) and of the Mongolian National Statistics Office Household Socio-Economic Survey (HSES) to examine the correlation between the presence of children of different age categories in a family and female employment in Mongolia in 2016. We examine the availability of childcare, social norms and attitudes towards women, as well as household decision-making as potential explanations. We find that small children decrease the probability of female employment relative to women with no small children. In particular, women with two children aged one to six years are 21.5 percentage points less likely to be employed. Our results also suggest that cultural biases against women may be – at least partially – responsible for the low female employment levels which we uncovered. These results are unlikely to be driven by omitted variable bias. |
| Date: | 2022–07–20 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:cel:dpaper:61&r=cis |
| By: | Kristina A. Tanis (National Research University Higher School of Economics); Anastasiia A. Balykova (National Research University Higher School of Economics) |
| Abstract: | This paper is devoted to the Soviet film market during the first half of the twentieth century. In particular, it consist of introductory text and database on film programming in Moscow cinema theaters between 1946 and 1955. Based on the intersection of two methodological approaches, anthropology of time and new cinema history, this paper traces the multifunctionality and heterogeneity of Soviet time on the example of contracting adopted in the USSR between distributors and different actors of cinema networks. While the database on film programming of Moscow cinema theaters contributes to the issue of cinema audience studies and the known dominant models of film distribution and exhibition, placing the Soviet case into international context |
| Keywords: | big data, film distribution and exhibition, temporal turn, new cinema history, film programming, USSR |
| JEL: | Z11 |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:hig:wpaper:209/hum/2022&r=cis |
| By: | , editor2021 |
| Abstract: | The significance of the investments attracted to the Republic of Uzbekistan over the years for the development of the industry, the significance of different forms of ownership in ensuring economic stability and employment of the population, the indicators of economic efficiency in the activity of livestock farming in the Samarkand region, the potential for order desks in the future to supply livestock with fodder and medicines, conclusions and suggestions, and the list are all included in the article. |
| Date: | 2022–10–03 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:osf:osfxxx:xprce&r=cis |
| By: | Laurent Warlouzet (SIRICE - Sorbonne, Identités, relations internationales et civilisations de l’Europe - UP1 - Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne - SU - Sorbonne Université - CNRS - Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique) |
| Abstract: | Politique agricole, relance économique, vaccin contre le Covid-19, législation environnementale, etc. : l'Union européenne joue un rôle essentiel et controversé dans la vie de ses habitants depuis des décennies. Sur toutes ces questions, trois modèles s'affrontent : l'Europe du marché, l'Europe solidaire et l'Europe puissance. À partir d'archives inédites, Laurent Warlouzet revisite l'histoire du continent au prisme de la lutte homérique entre ces trois visions depuis 1945 : l'Europe du marché, souvent dénoncée pour ses dérives ultralibérales, surtout depuis la tragédie grecque du début des années 2010 ; l'Europe solidaire, celle des législations sociales et de la promotion de l'égalité hommes-femmes, qui a conduit la majorité des syndicats britanniques à appeler à voter contre le Brexit ; l'Europe puissance, enfin, évanescente sur le plan militaire, mais s'exprimant dans les projets de politique industrielle communautaire ou dans la lutte contre les GAFAM, et voulant s'imposer face à ses concurrents, États-Unis, Russie ou Chine. Cette nouvelle histoire de l'Europe, vivante, heurtée et mouvementée, nous montre que l'organisation de l'Union ne suit pas une logique mécanique et univoque. En exhumant des projets abandonnés mais sérieusement envisagés, elle propose aussi autant de futurs possibles dont les Européens pourraient se saisir. |
| Keywords: | European Union Policy,European Union Integration,European Union competition law,European Union countries,European Union EU,Union européenne - Généralités,Union européenne - Politique économique,Union européenne UE,Union européenne -- Prise de décision,France - 1958- 5e République,France - Allemagne,France - Royaume-Uni,Allemagne -- Histoire,Allemagne -- Politique économique,Allemagne -- Relations extérieures -- 1945-1990,Royaume-Uni et Europe,Commission Européenne,Brexit Europe Union européenne Royaume-Uni,Brexit -- Aspect économique |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:hal:journl:hal-03759218&r=cis |
| By: | Vasily Astrov (The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, wiiw); Richard Grieveson (The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, wiiw); Doris Hanzl-Weiss (The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, wiiw); Sebastian Leitner (The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, wiiw); Isilda Mara (The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, wiiw); Hermine Vidovic (The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, wiiw); Zuzana Zavarská (The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, wiiw) |
| Abstract: | The EU member states in Central and Eastern Europe (EU-CEE) have been experiencing increasing labour shortages, which only briefly subsided in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Ongoing demographic decline suggests that labour shortages will only get stronger over time. As a result, the bargaining power of labour has increased, wages have been generally rising ahead of labour productivity, and industrial action (strikes) – the level of which has remained low in recent decades – has emerged in some instances. In the face of labour and skill shortages, people have been investing in education. The share of employees with tertiary education has increased, and vocational training has gained in importance, although active labour market policies have been used only selectively. Employers have increasingly been investing in fixed assets, especially in manufacturing, and the degree of robotisation has risen strongly. Despite domestic concerns that automation would generate massive job losses, our findings suggest that capital deepening has taken place faster where labour was in higher demand. Thus, labour was not substituted with capital, but rather the complementary effect prevailed. Employment actually increased in EU-CEE over the past two decades – despite the shrinking working-age population. Employers could hire not only the formerly unemployed, but also the formerly inactive, and used the relaxed immigration policies to attract foreign workers, especially from Ukraine and the Western Balkans. Czechia, Hungary, Slovenia and Slovakia and most recently Poland have become net receivers of migrants, while in Bulgaria immigration largely compensates for the natives who go abroad. However, immigration from non-European countries as a general solution to the problem of labour shortages in the region is highly problematic in the current domestic political context. Overall, both our findings for the EU-CEE region over recent years and the experience of Western Europe during the ‘golden age’ (1950-1973) suggest that labour shortages are not in themselves an obstacle to rapid structural change and income growth. However, for such an economic model to be sustainable, more active government policies will be needed, such as greater public investment in education and training, higher minimum wages in order to encourage automation, and more extensive welfare networks in order to deal with the possible negative short-run side-effects of automation. |
| Keywords: | labour shortages, trade unions, migration policy, active labour market policy, investment, vocational training, ‘golden age’, populism |
| JEL: | J21 J23 J24 J31 J52 J61 N14 N34 |
| Date: | 2022–11 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:wii:rpaper:rr:463&r=cis |