nep-cdm New Economics Papers
on Collective Decision-Making
Issue of 2024‒05‒27
eight papers chosen by
Stan C. Weeber, McNeese State University

  1. Voting Under Salience Bias and Strategic Extremism By Günnur Ege Bilgin; Cavit Görkem Destan
  2. Income Inequality and Political Polarization By Waldemar Marz
  3. Peasants into Citizens: Suffrage Expansion and Mass Politics in France By Degrave, Anne; Lopez-Peceno, Alejandro; Rozenas, Arturas
  4. Opinion Polls, Turnout and the Demand for Safe Seats By Eleonora Alabrese; Thiemo Fetzer
  5. Trade-offs and Triumphs: Examining the Commitment of Underrepresented Groups in Real-World Discussion Forums By Geisler, Alexander Matthias
  6. Citizenship Imaginaries and Electoral Mobilization in the Egyptian Uprising By Sobhy, Hania
  7. The political economy of financing climate policy – Evidence from the solar PV subsidy programs By Olivier de Groote; Axel Gautier; Frank Verboven
  8. Public Policy Attitudes and Political Polarization in the Netherlands By Toshkov, Dimiter; Brummel, Lars; Carroll, Brendan; Yesilkagit, Kutsal

  1. By: Günnur Ege Bilgin; Cavit Görkem Destan
    Abstract: We present a model demonstrating politicians strategically adopt extreme positions even when the voters are homogeneous and moderate. We examine the behavior of voters and electoral candidates under the assumption that the salience of political issues affects voting decisions through voter preferences. Voters have limited attention, which is unintentionally captured by distinctive policies. We demonstrate that candidates who differ in their budget constraints and voters with such limited attention can account for extremist policies, even though voters are identical in their preferences. Subsequently, we examine the elections with decoy candidates unlikely to win. Even though these candidates do not attract the voters, they might still influence the election outcome by altering salience. Moreover, we provide experimental evidence that salience affects consumer preferences and election outcomes using a representative sample of Turkey's vote base.
    Keywords: salience bias, extremism
    JEL: D72 D91 C9
    Date: 2024–04
  2. By: Waldemar Marz
    Abstract: Value issues such as climate policy, immigration, or identity politics are among the most polarizing policy issues in the U.S. and other high-income countries. That polarization has been rising over the last decades. I investigate a novel channel of income inequality and political campaign contributions on party polarization on the value dimension that is independent of changing voter preferences. In a model of two-dimensional party competition, I show analytically how rising income inequality brings parties’ economic policies closer together if campaign contributions are an important factor for electoral success. This lets sensitive voter groups switch their party allegiance and pushes parties to try to distinguish themselves by increasingly focusing on value policy dimension. Income growth, a rising salience of the value issue, and low voter turnout exacerbate this polarization channel. The analysis suggests possible ways forward: 1) a stricter regulation of campaign finances and 2) framing climate primarily as an economic policy issue that puts distributional implications (and remedies) front and center.
    Keywords: political economy, climate policy, polarization, voting, values
    JEL: D63 H23 P16 Q52 Q54
    Date: 2024
  3. By: Degrave, Anne; Lopez-Peceno, Alejandro; Rozenas, Arturas
    Abstract: The rise of mass politics is conventionally attributed to state expansion and economic modernization. We propose a complementary institutional explanation, highlight-ing how the expansion of voting rights politicizes the general public and enhances their mobilization capacity. To test this argument, we use discontinuous variation in suffrage levels in the French local elections during the July Monarchy (1830-1848). Communes with more suffrage later showed a heightened interest in public affairs, capacity for collective mobilization, and opposition to autocracy. Even when intro-duced and practiced in an autocratic system, the right to vote seems to encourage the development of a pro-democratic mass public.
    Date: 2024–04
  4. By: Eleonora Alabrese; Thiemo Fetzer
    Abstract: Do opinion polls sway turnout and shape political competition in majoritarian systems? Can they strengthen the persistence of safe seats? Analysing national opinion polls during UK general elections and the perceived safeness of constituencies, we find that pre-election polls significantly affect voter turnout. Non-competitive elections predicted by national polls suppress turnout, especially in areas with low perceived electoral competition. This reinforces the advantage of trailing parties in their strongholds, potentially fuelling party demand for safe seats that may give rise to demands for gerrymandering. This can exacerbate spatial polarization of the electoral landscape, with implications for governance regarding opinion polling.
    Keywords: opinion polls, closeness, voters’ behaviour, first-past-the-post, UK general elections
    JEL: D72 P16
    Date: 2024
  5. By: Geisler, Alexander Matthias (University of Genva)
    Abstract: Past research has shown that favorable opinion climates in host countries and opportunity structures reinforce each other to enable the political participation of marginalized communities. However, few studies examine the discursive participation of the underrepresented beyond parties, elections, or involvement in associations. We contribute a novel assessment of whether democratic innovations' promise to make marginalized voices heard is realistic or overstated by investigating the commitment of locally enfranchised immigrants, immigrant-origin citizens, women, the youth, people of low-income and the lower educated to deliberate with one another. Inviting two large samples (N=3000 each) of registered voters of the Swiss canton of Geneva from 2020 and 2021 to two real-world deliberative forums, we find that immigrants with the local right to vote and immigrant-origin citizens were more than twice as likely as their native peers to participate in two in-person deliberative assemblies with fellow residents and citizens. Low-income people were also more likely to participate, while we did not found any substantially increased discursive participation of women. The lower-educated and less politically active were less likely to commitment to discursive participation. These results showcase the potential trade-offs of hybrid democratic innovations for the discursive integration of underrepresented groups in Western democracies more generally.
    Date: 2024–04–29
  6. By: Sobhy, Hania
    Abstract: Can campaign messaging propel candidates to the forefront of a historic election, despite poor political resources? In the first round of the 2012 Egyptian presidential elections, the two main pro-Revolution candidates, Sabahi and Futuh, jointly secured more votes than the ‘old regime’ and Muslim Brotherhood candidates possessing far superior resources, with Sabahi very close to entering the runoffs. Based on one-of-a-kind research with the two campaigns, this research note analyses the strategies of campaigners on the ground in translating the central tropes of the Revolution: freedom and social justice. It shows how campaigner perceptions of voter preferences shaped their messaging on issues of critical importance to democratization and to elections in global South contexts: clientelism, socioeconomic rights, public safety and political rights. To theorize the differentiated framings deployed by social movements, it develops the notion of “citizenship imaginaries, ” as a device for conceptualizing the differentiated lived experiences, narratives and emotions through which subjects orient themselves vis-à-vis the state as central to. It illustrates how progressive pro-democracy campaigners on the ground in Egypt spoke to dominant citizenship imaginaries by understating freedom, emphasizing security, improvising translations of social justice and evading revisionist readings of Islamism and state-socialism/ Nasserism.
    Date: 2024–04–26
  7. By: Olivier de Groote (TSE-R - Toulouse School of Economics - UT Capitole - Université Toulouse Capitole - UT - Université de Toulouse - EHESS - École des hautes études en sciences sociales - CNRS - Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique - INRAE - Institut National de Recherche pour l’Agriculture, l’Alimentation et l’Environnement); Axel Gautier (HEC Liège, Université de Liège); Frank Verboven (Department of Economics [Leuven] - KU Leuven - Catholic University of Leuven = Katholieke Universiteit Leuven)
    Abstract: We analyze the political impact of a generous solar panel subsidization program. Subsidies far exceeded their social benefit and were partly financed by new taxes on adopters and by electricity surcharges for all consumers. We use local panel data from Belgium and find a decrease in votes for government parties in municipalities with high adoption rates. This shows that the voters' punishment for a costly policy exceeded the potential reward by adopters who received generous subsidies. Further analysis indicates that punishment mainly comes from non-adopters, who change their vote towards anti-establishment parties.
    Keywords: Photovoltaic systems, Retrospective voting, Financing climate policy
    Date: 2024
  8. By: Toshkov, Dimiter; Brummel, Lars; Carroll, Brendan; Yesilkagit, Kutsal
    Abstract: While the increasing relevance of political polarization for the well-established multi-party democracies of Western Europe is recognized, we still know relatively little about how the different dimensions of polarization interact in this setting. We focus on the question whether policy attitudes contribute to affective polarization beyond the effects of ideological positions, partisanship and perceptions of polarization levels. To study this question, we run a comprehensive survey of public policy attitudes and political polarization on a quota-representative sample of public opinion in South Holland in the Netherlands. The results provide strong evidence that people having divergent policy preferences are much more likely to show affective polarization towards parties and voters, on top of what ideology and party affiliation predict. Conversely, policy priority incongruence does not have the hypothesized association. While, on average, levels of affective polarization in the Netherlands are relatively low, perceptions of big and increasing polarization are widely shared and significantly associated with affect.
    Date: 2024–04–30

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