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on Collective Decision-Making |
| By: | Marco Faravelli (School of Economics, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia.); Kenan Kalayci (School of Economics, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia.); Carlos Pimienta (School of Economics, UNSW Business School, UNSW, Sydney, Australia.) |
| Abstract: | We test the turnout predictions of the standard two-party, private value, costly voting model through a large-scale, real effort experiment. We do this by recruiting 1,200 participants through Amazon's Mechanical Turk and employing a 2 x 2 between subjects design encompassing small (N=30) and large (N=300) elections, as well as close and one-sided elections. We find partial evidence of selfish instrumental voting. Participants with a higher opportunity cost are less likely to vote (cost effect); turnout rate decreases as the electorate size increases (size effect) in one-sided elections and increases the closer the election is (competition effect) in large elections. Contrary to the theoretical predictions, in large one-sided elections the majority turns out to vote at a higher rate than the minority. We propose an alternative theory assuming that voters obtain a small non-monetary utility if they vote and their party wins. |
| Keywords: | Costly Voting, Turnout, Field Experiment, Real Effort, Amazon's Mechanical Turk |
| JEL: | C93 D72 C72 |
| Date: | 2017–08 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:swe:wpaper:2017-16&r=cdm |
| By: | Huihui Ding |
| Abstract: | Our study concerns a collective decision-making model for the collection of information from two voters. Both voters, who tend to make the same voting choices because of their conformity preferences, collect information about the consequences of a project and then vote on the project. We focus on an informative equilibrium in which voters vote informatively using pure strategies. This is a symmetric Nash equilibrium. Our result is interesting as it shows that nonconformist voters exert less effort from a social perspective because of a positive externality that results in the free-rider problem, while conformity preferences can help to improve the sum of the votersâ expected payoffs from the social perspective. This is because conformity preferences may alleviate the free-rider problem associated with coordination (making the same vote). Specifically, conformity preferences give special importance to the correlation between votersâ signals, even if this correlation is unrelated to the accuracy of the signals. Furthermore, we present the exact conformity preference level which helps voters to exert an optimal effort level that maximizes the sum of the votersâ expected payoffs compared to the nonconformist case. In addition, we graphically illustrate comparative statics on effort levels in informative equilibria. |
| JEL: | D72 D82 |
| Date: | 2017–08–28 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:jmp:jm2017:pdi498&r=cdm |
| By: | Fabien Prieur (Université Paris Nanterre); Benteng Zou (CREA, Université du Luxembourg) |
| Abstract: | Motivated by the history of climate politics in the US over the last decades, this paper aims at studying the impact of indirect competition for political influence, through environmental awareness raising vs disinformation campaigns, on environmental and economic performance. The analysis of the game in which groups devote efforts to bring the majority’s concern closer to their views shows a strong asymmetry in the results. Strategic interaction may lead the economy to a better situation in the long run, compared to what would prevail in the absence of lobbying. But this only occurs when the environmental group exhibits a radical ideology and people’s awareness is initially closer to that of the industrial group. By contrast, economies with very aggressive conservative groups and with people originally well aware of environmental problems can never benefit from the outcome of the game of political influence. The latter result is reinforced when one accounts for different lobbying powers and supremacy of industrial groups. This may explain why the US have failed to take action on global warming up to now. |
| Keywords: | Public persuasion, environmentalists, industrialists, environmental awareness, information campaigns, disinformation, game of political influence |
| JEL: | D72 C73 Q54 |
| Date: | 2017 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:luc:wpaper:17-16&r=cdm |
| By: | Szczypinska, Agnieszka (Ministry of Finance) |
| Abstract: | Brexit implications are analysed in most cases from the macroeconomic, financial or legal point of view while these areas are not the only ones the economists or governments should pay attention to. In this article we focus on how Brexit influences application of the European procedures, i.e. the results of various voting scenarios in the Council of the European Union. Based on power indices we examine changes of power distribution within the European Union (EU) from the perspective of each EU Member State separately as well as potential coalitions. This analysis covers also projection of power distribution in 2030 and 2060 that takes into account population forecast prepared by the Ageing Working Group. We find that larger countries benefit from the new possible power distribution while the smaller ones lose their power. Moreover, power of coalitions built by the EU Member States, representing different groups of interests in particular voting, e.g. EU budget or enforcement of the EU rules, seems to be vulnerable to the implications of the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the EU. Brexit may influence the quality of institutional and macroeconomic policy, especially in terms of decisions on the strictness of the EU rules. |
| Keywords: | Brexit; power index; voting power; Council of the European Union; demographics |
| JEL: | C71 F15 |
| Date: | 2017–03–21 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ris:mfplwp:0027&r=cdm |
| By: | Kellermann, Kim Leonie |
| Abstract: | This paper examines the link of political participation and employment status in a dualized labor market. Both insiders and outsiders can actively take part in political decision-making, e.g. by voting for a certain party. Insiders only have the resources to also provide financial donations to policy-makers. Future policy outcomes are determined in a dynamic two-stage game. First, individuals choose their optimal quantity of support depending on policy strategies. Second, parties determine their optimal policy platform anticipating the individual behavior. In order to collect donations, parties are incentivized to occupy an insider-friendly position. Thereby, insiders are encouraged to participate in politics while outsiders are discouraged. Labor market dualization opens up a gap in political involvement which induces a reinforcement of economic segmentation. However, party capture by insiders is weaker, the more strongly a party is originally tied to outsiders. With two parties competing for support and donations, political inequality becomes firmly established since both parties fully adopt the insiders' preferences. |
| JEL: | D71 D72 J42 P16 |
| Date: | 2017 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:ciwdps:42017&r=cdm |
| By: | Achim Hagen (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Germany); Jan Schneider (University of Oldenburg, Department of Economics) |
| Abstract: | In spite of scientific agreement on the negative effects of anthropogenic climate change, efforts to find cooperative solutions on the international level have been unsatisfactory so far. Trade sanctions in the form of import tariffs are one principal measure discussed as a means to foster cooperation. Former studies have concluded that import tariffs are an effective mechanism to establish international cooperation. However, most of these studies rely on the assumption that outsiders are not able to retaliate, i.e. to implement import tariffs themselves. In this paper we use combined analytical and numerical analysis to investigate implications of retaliation. We find a threshold effect: below a certain coalition size the effect of retaliation predominates and decreases incentives to be a coalition member. In coalitions above the threshold size the effect of trade sanctions that stabilizes coalitions dominates and enables the formation of larger stable coalitions. Our analysis suggests that only after a sufficiently large climate coalition has already been formed, the threat of trade sanctions might be an effective stick to establish the grand coalition. |
| Keywords: | international environmental agreements, computable general equilibrium |
| JEL: | D58 Q54 Q58 |
| Date: | 2017–09 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:old:dpaper:403&r=cdm |
| By: | Leonardo Bonilla-Mejía; Iván Higuera-Mendieta (Banco de la República) |
| Abstract: | This paper explores the effect of alignment between local and national politics in a context of weak parties. Based on a regression discontinuity design in close elections, we find that, in absence of strong parties, presidential coalitions become the focal point of political alignment in Colombia. In fact, while parties provide almost no electoral advantages to their members, candidates aspiring to national positions get significantly more votes in municipalities governed by mayors aligned with the incoming presidential coalitions. In turn, aligned mayors receive additional discretionary transfers from the National Government to finance road investments. These discretionary transfers, however, do not translate into local economic growth. Classification JEL: D72, H72, H77, R11 |
| Keywords: | Political alignment, elections, subnational transfers, regression discontinuity |
| Date: | 2017–09 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:bdr:region:260&r=cdm |
| By: | Chen, Chi-Ying; Chang, Shao-Liang |
| Abstract: | Although women are increasingly securing various political positions, stereotype exist in the public perception of male and female political candidates’ viability and credibility. The emergence of social networking service has increased the potential for candidates to present themselves actively by a full control over political messages and portray a well-crafted persona through coherently presented texts and images directly delivered to voters. Measures of self-presentation strategies and their influence are becoming vital to understand this new political social environment. Based on the functional theory of campaign discourse and political imagery, this research adopted a mixed method of quantitative and qualitative analysis to explore how candidates managed and presented both textual and pictorial information on Facebook and LINE during the Taiwanese presidential election in 2016 and analyze features of successful messages with an extremely great number of likes and shares. This research found that both female and male candidates employed a safe self-presentation strategy and their intention to reverse gender stereotype was not evident. Gender difference was demonstrated in strategies to attack the rival and defend themselves. Textual and pictorial features of successful messages were in common but different in topics between Facebook and LINE. We make two contributions to research and practice. First, we analyze the self-presentation strategies by candidates of different genders to draw a rich picture of how Facebook and LINE utilized as a communications channel. Second, we transcend previous studies by analyzing both text and imagery. |
| Date: | 2017 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:itsp17:168478&r=cdm |
| By: | Mostapha Diss (GATE Lyon Saint-Étienne - Groupe d'analyse et de théorie économique - ENS Lyon - École normale supérieure - Lyon - UL2 - Université Lumière - Lyon 2 - UCBL - Université Claude Bernard Lyon 1 - UJM - Université Jean Monnet [Saint-Etienne] - Université de Lyon - CNRS - Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique); Frank Steffen (Universität Bayreuth) |
| Abstract: | The governance structure of the Lebanese Republic is particularly characterized byits confessional nature guaranteeing a pre-defined representation of Christians andMuslims and its sectarian subgroups in parliament. In this sense, the composition of the parliament is based on the allocation of a specific number of seats to each of the two major religious groups and its sectarian subgroups. However, the ratio being used to assign seats to these sectarian subgroups has been an intensively debated controversial issue over decades. Recently, Diss and Zouache (2015) have addressed some aspects of power in the Lebanese Parliament. Applying the Penrose-Banzhaf and Shapley-Shubik indices, they investigate the relative confessional power distributions under the current seat distribution and a proposal for its amendment and revealed some paradoxical effects. Since then a new electoral law has been introduced for the Lebanese Parliament. In this paper, we reexamine the results of Diss and Zouache (2015) applying the Penrose-Banzhaf measure. Furthermore, we take into account the effects of the new electoral law and the seat distribution prior to the current one. This allows us to relate our findings to the general motivations for the electoral reforms underlying all studied seat distributions. Additionally, we address the implications of the existing party blocs in the current parliament from a party and confessional perspective. Currently, their existence is put into question in the public and political discussion. With our analysis, we deliver a theoretical foundation for this debate and demonstrate that in terms of parliamentary power the current bloc formation is a priori disadvantageous. Abstract The governance structure of the Lebanese Republic is particularly characterized by its confessional nature guaranteeing a pre-defined representation of Christians and Muslims and its sectarian subgroups in parliament. In this sense, the composition of the parliament is based on the allocation of a specific number of seats to each of the two major religious groups and its sectarian subgroups. However, the ratio being used to assign seats to these sectarian subgroups has been an intensively debated controversial issue over decades. Recently, Diss and Zouache (2015) have addressed some aspects of power in the Lebanese Parliament. Applying the Penrose-Banzhaf and Shapley-Shubik indices, they investigate the relative confessional power distributions under the current seat distribution and a proposal for its amendment and revealed some paradoxical effects. Since then a new electoral law has been introduced for the Lebanese Parliament. In this paper, we reexamine the results of Diss and Zouache (2015) applying the Penrose-Banzhaf measure. Furthermore, we take into account the effects of the new electoral law and the seat distribution prior to the current one. This allows us to relate our findings to the general motivations for the electoral reforms underlying all studied seat distributions. Additionally, we address the implications of the existing party blocs in the current parliament from a party and confessional perspective. Currently, their existence is put into question in the public and political discussion. With our analysis, we deliver a theoretical foundation for this debate and demonstrate that in terms of parliamentary power the current bloc formation is a priori disadvantageous. |
| Keywords: | bloc stability,confessional power,Lebanese Parliament,party power,Penrose-Banzhaf measure,power,voting |
| Date: | 2017 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:hal:wpaper:halshs-01587503&r=cdm |
| By: | Ishikawa Sachiko |
| Abstract: | The peace process between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front is a showcase of a new type of conflict resolution. This process included development and a hybrid form of peacekeeping aside from peacemaking endeavors. Japan’s assistance to the conflict-affected areas in Mindanao demonstrated the notion of human security with a tripartite cooperation arrangement consisting of the International Monitoring Team, the Mindanao Task Force, and the Japan-Bangsamoro Initiative for Reconstruction and Development. Above all, Japan’s participation in the International Monitoring Team opened new pathways for the country to carry out comprehensive support to Mindanao by bridging peace and development. Japan remained in Mindanao even after the peace negotiations reached a stalemate in October 2008. That was the period when the empowerment of local communities and people were at stake under a volatile cease-fire agreement. Japan, in collaboration with local security providers, continued assistance in the conflict-affected areas. In parallel with this effort, the Consolidation of Peace Seminar played a role in introducing local consultation into the peace process; bridging the gap between local civil society and the negotiating panels. These multifaceted endeavors supported local communities in their quest for peace during a critical period of the peace process. |
| Keywords: | human security, Mindanao, sovereignty, empowerment, self-contained assistance |
| Date: | 2017–06 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:jic:wpaper:155&r=cdm |
| By: | Marie-Laure Cabon-Dhersin (CREAM - Centre de Recherche en Economie Appliquée à la Mondialisation - Université de Rouen); Romain Gibert (CREAM - Centre de Recherche en Economie Appliquée à la Mondialisation - Université de Rouen) |
| Abstract: | This article compares two research funding policies in a cooperative or non-cooperative R&D setting: subsidising private research (Spr) and subsidising public research (Spu). We show that the Spr policy induces better performance than the Spu approach in terms of overall net surplus whether firms cooperate or not in R&D. Nevertheless, subsidising public research leads to greater R&D investment overall provided that the knowledge externalities from the public to the private research sector are not too high. The Spu policy is more effective in terms of research efforts when firms cooperate and subsidies are low. |
| Keywords: | R&D spillovers, Knowledge public externalities,R&D Cooperation, Subsidies, Public policy |
| Date: | 2017–09–13 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:hal:wpaper:hal-01587014&r=cdm |
| By: | Clotilde Coron (IRG - Institut de Recherche en Gestion - UPEM - Université Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée - UPEC UP12 - Université Paris-Est Créteil Val-de-Marne - Paris 12) |
| Abstract: | The negotiation of corporate agreements in France, the cornerstone of labor relations, has been the subject of much research. However, few address the issue of the process of the negotiation of a company agreement on gender equality, a theme that has been mandatory since the Génisson 2001 Act. This issue presents certain particularities (the transversal nature of gender equality across various Human Resource areas, legal framework obligations, etc.) that may affect the negotiation process. To clarify this issue and to enrich both the literature on labor relations and the literature on gender equality our contribution seeks to identify the characteristics relative to negotiations on gender equality. As part of a CIFRE thesis (Industrial Convention of Formation by Research) and using participant observation in the negotiation of a corporate agreement on gender equality as well as interviews conducted with both union and management negotiators, we have been able to identify certain characteristics particular to negotiations on gender equality compared to the negotiation of agreements on other subjects. In particular, the definition of the theme of negotiation (gender equality) plays a central role in the negotiation; the transversal nature of this theme to various HR processes (recruitment, remuneration, promotion…) has strong implications on negotiators' bargaining leeway as well as on the role of unions vis-à-vis management; finally, the documented legal framework that attaches great importance to statistical indicators, can result in unattainable quantified commitments being included in the agreement. |
| Keywords: | case study 2,labor relations,gender equality,corporate agreements,negotiation |
| Date: | 2016–06–01 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:hal:journl:hal-01377305&r=cdm |