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on MENA - Middle East and North Africa |
| By: | Kang, Munsu (KOREA INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY (KIEP)) |
| Abstract: | In the Middle East and North Africa (hereafter MENA) region, fossil fuel subsidies have been utilized as a social protection mechanism, serving as a tool under the social contract. Previous studies have primarily focused on the social welfare implications of abolishing fossil fuel subsidies. In this study, we aim to answer the question of whether the public in the MENA region prefers social protection services as an alternative to fossil fuel subsidies using online survey results in four countries including Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Tunisia. The survey results reveal that respondents in the MENA countries prefer energy price reduction (or stabilization) policies over pro-poor cash transfer programs. However, respondents answer that they prefer support for vulnerable groups above government-led energy price reduction policies when there are energy price shocks. Why do people agree to reduce subsidies? Some of the concerns regarding the energy subsidy is that subsidy policies are more pro-rich in nature and benefits are unequally distributed. However, respondents who answered they prefer to maintain or increase fossil fuel subsidies mention that the subsidy policy could benefit all. Based on the results, two key policy implications emerge. First, social protection programs must be carefully designed as an alternative to energy subsidy reform. The second key policy implication is the importance of effective public campaigning and awareness-raising around the need for energy subsidy reform. |
| Keywords: | MENA; energy subsidy; public perception |
| Date: | 2024–05–31 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ris:kiepwe:2024_016&r= |
| By: | Nguyen, Quang Khai |
| Abstract: | This study investigated the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on firm risk and performance in different country-level governance qualities in the MENA region. Analyzing a sample of 739 non-financial listed firms in 12 MENA countries for the period 2011–2020, we found that the COVID-19 crisis negatively impacted the performance of firms, especially low-performance firms, in most industries, and increased firm risk in general. Moreover, we found that national governance quality plays an important role in mitigating the negative impact of the COVID-19 crisis on firm operations. Specifically, national governance quality reduces the negative impact of the COVID-19 crisis on firm performance and the positive impact of the crisis on firm risk. The results are consistent with our contention that national governance quality contributes to creating a positive environment for businesses activities and reducing economic shocks. |
| Keywords: | COVID-19; performance |
| JEL: | G0 G3 |
| Date: | 2023 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:pra:mprapa:121001&r= |
| By: | Mina, Wasseem |
| Abstract: | This research empirically examines the relationship between flexible labour markets, the social contract, and female youth unemployment rate in the high-income, oil-abundant Gulf Cooperation Council countries. We hypothesize that flexible non-segmented labour markets improve female youth unemployment rate while the social contract worsens it. Empirical evidence shows that both flexible labour markets and the social contract improve the female youth unemployment rate. The results are robust to changes in model specification and the sample countries. Flexible labour markets, however, are key to the improvement in the female youth unemployment rate, while the social contract is not. This research has important implications for selecting the appropriate policies to address youth unemployment. |
| Keywords: | Female youth unemployment; Youth unemployment; Labour markets; Social contract; Gulf Cooperation Council |
| JEL: | J1 J4 J6 |
| Date: | 2022–12–30 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:pra:mprapa:121137&r= |
| By: | Aksoy, Hürcan Aslı; Aydın, Yaşar |
| Abstract: | Bei den Kommunalwahlen in der Türkei hat die oppositionelle Republikanische Volkspartei (CHP) einen historischen Sieg errungen: Sie wurde landesweit stärkste Kraft und wird fast die Hälfte der Groß- und Provinzhauptstädte regieren. Vor dem Hintergrund einer Rekordinflation, einer strikten Geldpolitik und eines damit einhergehenden Kaufkraftverlustes urbaner Bevölkerungsgruppen war die Wahl ein Stimmungstest für Präsident Recep Tayyip Erdoægan. Dieser wurde abgestraft - nicht nur für die wirtschaftliche Misere, sondern ebenso für zunehmende Korruption und Vetternwirtschaft. Sein Plan, durch eine Verfassungsänderung ein drittes Mal für das Präsidentenamt kandidieren zu dürfen und darüber hinaus auch seine Machtfülle auszuweiten, erhielt ebenfalls einen herben Dämpfer. Dies ist eine gute Ausgangslage für die Opposition, die gegen eine Konsolidierung des autokratischen Herrschaftssystems arbeitet und sich auf eine Post-Erdoægan-Ära vorbereitet. Der Wahlsieg eröffnet Freiräume für Oppositionelle und die Zivilgesellschaft. Überdies ergeben sich neue transnationale Kooperationsmöglichkeiten zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei. |
| Keywords: | Türkei, Kommunalwahlen 2024, Präsidentschaftswahlen 2023, Parlamentswahlen 2023, Wahlsieg CHP, CHP, AKP, Recep Tayyip Erdoægan, Ekrem çImamoæglu, deutsch-türkische Kooperation |
| Date: | 2025 |
| URL: | https://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:swpakt:299525&r= |