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on MENA - Middle East and North Africa |
| By: | Yildiz, Güney |
| Abstract: | Russia and Turkey are backing opposing warring parties in three active conflicts. However, this adversarial positioning has not hindered cooperation between Moscow and Ankara. They reign in opposing sides and, in effect, stage-manage their respective theatres of wars. Through multilateral arrangements, Europe is an enabler of Turkey's position and could leverage its support to push Ankara to cooperate more effectively with its Western partners. |
| Date: | 2021 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:swpcom:222021&r= |
| By: | Afnan Al-Malk (Department of Finance and Economics, Qatar University); Jean-François Maystadt (UNIVERSITE CATHOLIQUE DE LOUVAIN, Institut de Recherches Economiques et Sociales (IRES)); Maurizio Zanardi (School of Economics, University of Surrey) |
| Abstract: | On June 5th, 2017, an airspace blockade was imposed on the state of Qatar by Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates (neighboring countries) and Egypt. We exploit this exogenous increase in air transportation costs towards non-blockading countries to examine the effect of increased travel distance, due to re-routing, on bilateral trade. Based on a gravity model estimated with a Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood estimator, we find a distance elasticity of imports between -0.3 and -0.5. Overcoming the limitations of cross-sectional studies and taking advantage of this quasi-natural experiment, our findings are robust and revise downwards previous estimates of the distance elasticity. |
| Keywords: | Embargo, Distance Effect, International Trade |
| JEL: | F14 L93 |
| Date: | 2022–06–08 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ctl:louvir:2022014&r= |
| By: | Bakari, Sayef; El Weriemmi, Malek |
| Abstract: | The aim of this investigation is to examine the nexus between domestic investment and economic growth in Arab countries. To attempt our goal, we used annual data for the period 1990 – 2020 and Vector Error Correction Model. Empirical analysis indicates that there is no relationship between domestic investment and economic growth in the long run. However, we find a bidirectional causality between domestic investment and economic growth in the short run. These results provide evidence that domestic investment is necessary in Arab countries’ economy and is presented as an engine of growth since they cause economic growth in the short term. But they are not carried out and treated with a solid and fair manner, which offer new insights into Arabe countries’ investment policy for promoting economic growth. |
| Keywords: | Domestic Investment, Economic Growth, VECM, Arab Countries. |
| JEL: | C13 E22 O40 O47 |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:pra:mprapa:113077&r= |
| By: | Azzeddine Allioui (ESCA Ecole de Management, Morocco); Hanane Allioui (Cadi Ayyad University, Morocco) |
| Abstract: | The quarantine related to the COVID-19 crisis outbreak educational institutions to reschedule their courses, exams, and trainings and to switch to remote learning methods. The rapid and wide spread of a global pandemic, such as the coronavirus, requires effective strategies for managing the crisis with less damage. In higher education, the massive adoption of emergency remote learning (ERL) is crucial solution, which has been contributing to minimizing the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, different factors need to be taken into consideration to assess student satisfaction as well as the performance of higher education institutions. This study reports the results of an evaluation of student satisfaction and the performance of Moroccan institutions, while identifying factors that may affect the success of remote learning in higher education. As the coronavirus crisis spread around the world, almost all countries had to react. Thus, today, Morocco finds itself with 99% of all officially registered students in higher education affected. These students were part of the Moroccan experience, with a wide variety of modalities to ensure the continuity of their higher education. This paper explores the efficacy of remote learning and presents an investigation of the impact of COVID crisis on the higher education. |
| Keywords: | Remote learning, Student satisfaction, Higher education, COVID crisis |
| Date: | 2022–03 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:smo:raiswp:0160&r= |
| By: | Maya Hammad (IPC-IG) |
| Keywords: | disaster risk management; COVID-19; social protection; MENA |
| Date: | 2022–06 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ipc:cstudy:72&r= |
| By: | Maya Hammad (IPC-IG) |
| Keywords: | disaster risk management; COVID-19; social protection; MENA |
| Date: | 2022–05 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:ipc:cstudy:68&r= |
| By: | Yasmine Haddad (AME-DEST - Dynamiques Economiques et Sociales des Transports - Université Gustave Eiffel); Laurent Carnis (AME-DEST - Dynamiques Economiques et Sociales des Transports - Université Gustave Eiffel) |
| Abstract: | Road insecurity in the world does not spare Algeria. To address this crucial issue, the Algerian government has implemented a wide range of measures. However, Algeria did not achieved any significant progress. In an attempt to understand the origin of the problem, this paper proposes an analysis of the road safety management system in Algeria based on the model of Bliss and Breen. This analysis suggests the current situation is partly due to an inadequate road safety management system and the absence of an operational framework. These defects reflect difficulties in implementing the road safety management functions, which make good performance possible. Future progress would be sustainable and possible if Algeria establishes a real institutional apparatus dedicated to the implementation of a public road safety policy. |
| Abstract: | L'insécurité routière dans le monde n'épargne pas l'Algérie. Pour faire face à ce problème crucial, le gouvernement algérien a mis en œuvre un large éventail de mesures. Cependant, l'Algérie n'a pas réalisé de progrès significatifs. Pour tenter de comprendre l'origine du problème, cet article propose une analyse du système de management de la sécurité routière en Algérie basée sur le modèle de Bliss et Breen. Cette analyse suggère que la situation actuelle est en partie due à un système de management de la sécurité routière inadéquat et à l'absence d'un cadre opérationnel. Ces défauts reflètent les difficultés à mettre en œuvre les fonctions de management et de pilotage de la sécurité routière, qui rendent possible une bonne performance. Les progrès futurs seraient durables et possibles si l'Algérie met en place un véritable appareil institutionnel dédié à la mise en œuvre d'une politique publique de sécurité routière. |
| Keywords: | road safety,Bliss and Breen,safe system,Algeria,management,sécurité routière,Bliss et Breen,système sûr,Algérie |
| Date: | 2022–05–20 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:hal:journl:hal-03673270&r= |
| By: | Tulun, Teoman Ertuğrul; Tulun, Mehmet Oğuzhan |
| Abstract: | Batılı ülkeler ve Rusya, Ukrayna'nın geleceği konusunda ideolojik bir çatışma ve tehlikeli bir gerilimi tırmandırma politikasına kilitlenmiş durumda iken, NATO üyesi ve AB adayı Türkiye, Batılı müttefikleri, Rusya ve Ukrayna ile ilişkilerinde hassas bir dengeyi koruma çabalarıyla dikkat çekmektedir. Böyle bir tutum, Türkiye'nin dış politikasını, bölgesindeki ve hatta dünyadaki yerini ön plana çıkarmıştır. Köhne Soğuk Savaş dönemi zihniyetleri, Türkiye'yi Batı dünyasının sadece bir cephe varlığı olarak görmekte ve Türkiye'nin böyle bir rolden sapmasının Batı için doğal olarak tehdit edici olduğunu düşünmektedir. Türkiye'nin çıkarı, bir yandan Türkiye'nin Batı ile kurumsallaşmış bağlarına değer veren, diğer yandan Türkiye'nin doğusu ile artan bağlarının sunduğu potansiyele dayanan Yapıcı Avrasyacılığı benimsemekte yatmaktadır. Yapıcı Avrasyacılık, Türkiye'nin NATO üyeliğine değer vermekte ve saygı duymakta; Türk halkına muhtemel olmayan bir gelecek vaat etse de AB adaylığını desteklemektedir. Bununla birlikte, Batılı ülkelerin demokrasi, çoğulculuk, hukukun üstünlüğü ve "değer temelli ilişki" vurgusuyla kullandığı süslü dilin, asırlık emperyalist hırsları ve diğer ülkelerin iç siyasetine kibirli müdahale girişimlerini maskelediğini de göz ardı etmemektedir. Bütün bu hususlar dikkate alındığında Yapıcı Avrasyacılık, savunulan diğer Avrasyacılık biçimlerinden farklı olarak "Türkiye'ye fayda sağlayacaktır. Zira yeni rekabetler ve düşmanlıklar yaratmayı reddetmekte ve bunun yerine Türkiye'nin kendisini değişen dünyada doğru şekilde konumlandırabilmesi için yeni işbirliği yolları yaratmaya çalışmaktadır." Bu itibarla, Yapıcı Avrasyacılık, Türkiye'nin Batı ile bütünleşmeye devam etmesine ve aynı zamanda Batı ile Doğu arasında gerçek bir bağ işlevi görmesine olanak sağlayacaktır. |
| Date: | 2022–05–22 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:osf:osfxxx:dgyr6&r= |
| By: | Transfeld, Mareike |
| Abstract: | Die Zukunft des Jemen-Konflikts wird sich rund 120 Kilometer östlich der Hauptstadt Sanaa, in der Provinzhauptstadt Marib, entscheiden. Seit Februar 2021 dauern dort die Kämpfe zwischen der jemenitischen Regierung, die von Saudi-Arabien unterstützt wird und international anerkannt ist, und der aus dem Norden des Landes stammenden Huthi-Bewegung an. Die Huthis sind militärisch im Vorteil, konnten Marib bisher aber noch nicht einnehmen. Denkbare Szenarien für den weiteren Konfliktverlauf sind Waffenstillstandsverhandlungen nach einer erfolgreichen Verteidigung der Provinzhauptstadt, der Fall Maribs und die Verlagerung des Konflikts in die südlichen Landesteile sowie ein Sieg der Huthis als Ausgangspunkt für eine ausgehandelte Aufteilung des Landes unter Beteiligung der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate (VAE) und des Iran. Deutschland und seine europäischen Partner sollten vor diesem Hintergrund Annäherungsversuche der Regionalmächte unterstützen und bereits jetzt mit den jemenitischen Konfliktparteien und der Zivilgesellschaft neue politische Perspektiven für die Zukunft des Landes diskutieren. |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:swpakt:32022&r= |
| By: | Kurtz, Gerrit |
| Abstract: | Der Putsch vom 25. Oktober 2021 setzte dem demokratischen Übergangsprozess in Sudan ein jähes Ende. Militär- und Sicherheitskräften gelingt es seitdem jedoch nicht, ihre Herrschaft zu festigen. Eine Rückkehr zu einer dauerhaften und stabilen Militärregierung in Sudan ist unwahrscheinlich. Zu groß sind die internen Gegensätze der Putschistengruppierungen und die wirtschaftlichen Herausforderungen des Landes. Die Demokratiebewegung ist gut organisiert und dank ihrer dezentralen Struktur in der Lage, Verhaftungen und Gewalt zu trotzen. Ein neuer demokratischer Übergangsprozess wird nicht allein durch Wahlen herbeizuführen sein, welche die Putschisten für Sommer 2023 planen. Jedwede internationale Vermittlung in Sudan hat nur dann eine Chance, wenn sie eng auf die zivilgesellschaftlichen Pläne für eine Neuausrichtung des Staates abgestimmt ist. |
| Date: | 2022 |
| URL: | http://d.repec.org/n?u=RePEc:zbw:swpakt:212022&r= |